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The Russian leader is starting a short visit to India, where he is set to meet PM Narendra Modi and participate in an yearly high-level meeting organized by the two states.

Delhi and Moscow are poised to conclude a several accords during the meeting, which takes place following the Washington escalated diplomatic pressure on India to halt buying Russian energy.

It also coincides with the American President administration engaging in a series of talks with Russia and Ukraine in an effort to end the hostilities.

India and Russia have been close allies for many years, and Putin and Modi have a productive connection. Here is a examination at why they both depend on each other – and what to look out for as they hold talks.

A Unique Bond, Economic Agreements and International Dynamics

Why are links with India key for the Kremlin?

To begin with, look at the statistics:

• A citizenry of close to a 1.5 billion.
• Economic growth over 8%. India is the world's top-performing economic powerhouse.

That makes it a immensely attractive market for Russian products and raw materials – notably crude oil.

India is the world's number three consumer of oil and has been purchasing large volumes from Russia. That wasn't always the case. Before the Kremlin's full-scale military action of Ukraine, just 2.5% of India's oil imports were sourced from Moscow.

That figure jumped to 35% as India capitalized on Russian price discounts caused by sanctions against Moscow and Russia's limited entry to the European market.

India was pleased. Washington was displeased.

In October, the Trump administration levied an extra 25% duty on Indian exports, contending that by importing oil from Russia, India was assisting in fill the Kremlin's war chest. Purchases from India for Russian oil have since dropped. President Putin will be keen for India to keep buying.

For Moscow, defence exports to India are a further key focus and have been since the Cold War. In the run-up to Putin's visit, there were reports that India is considering to acquire state-of-the-art Russian fighter jets and missile defence systems.

Russia, experiencing a skilled worker deficit, also regards India as a valuable source of skilled workers.

But there's global strategy at play, too.

The Kremlin relishes proving that US and European efforts to ostracize it over the war in Ukraine have been unsuccessful.

Visiting India and conferring with Prime Minister Modi is a method of achieving this.

So is visiting China and conducting discussions with Xi Jinping, as Putin did a quarter ago. He conferred with Modi on the that trip. The image of the three leaders smiling and chatting together broadcast a clear message that, notwithstanding the war in Ukraine, Moscow has powerful friends who support the concept of a "global order not dominated by the West".

Russia lauds its "unrestricted partnership" with China.

It is just as vocal about its "special and privileged strategic partnership" with India.

That is a sharp contrast to Moscow's strained ties with the EU.

"I think the Kremlin is sure that the West, even Europe, completely failed," argues political analyst Andrei Kolesnikov.

"We are not isolated, because we have links to Asia and the developing world. Economically, this is the coming era. In that sense Russia has come back as the key player in these regions of the globe, similar to the Soviet Union."

This week, though, anticipate to hear about Indo-Russian cooperation, commercial pacts and increased trade relations between Moscow and Delhi.

Challenge of Modi's Independent Foreign Policy

Putin's visit to Delhi is coming at a pivotal time for Modi and India's global goals.

India-Russia links date back to the Cold War and have endured despite the changing global political landscape.

Putin has reportedly put more time and energy into this bond than other Russian leaders preceding him.

As for Modi, even after coming under significant diplomatic pressure from Western governments to criticise Russia over its war in Ukraine, he insisted that dialogue was the best way to settle the hostilities.

This was India's "strategic autonomy" being exercised – with Modi occupying a unique place in the geopolitical order where he held close ties with Moscow while maintaining his links with the West at the same time.

That succeeded – until Trump returned to the White House. India-US ties have reached an all-time low in recent months as the two countries have failed to resolve the trade impasse.

In this situation, Putin's visit takes on greater weight for Modi than ever before because it will examine India's geopolitical autonomy. He will be walking the metaphorical tightrope here.

Modi would aim to demonstrate voters at home and in the international community that he still counts Putin as his friend and has not succumbed to pressure from Trump, whom he has in the past called his "true friend".

But he has also been under calls from his partners in Europe – just this week, the German, French and UK ambassadors in India wrote a rare shared opinion piece in a major newspaper questioning Russia's position on Ukraine.

And so, Modi will have to ensure that the deepening of India-Russia ties does not detract from ongoing negotiations with the US and his cooperation with Europe.

"For India, the challenge is walking a fine line – safeguarding autonomy while managing demands from Washington and dependence on Moscow," commented a Delhi-based think-tank.

Modi's additional priority will be to unlock the full capacity of two-way commerce between India and Russia.

Observers have often said that the trade partnership between the two strong allies has not lived up to expectations for decades.

Their total trade increased to $68.72bn at the end of March 2025, rising from {just